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Research Interests:
Textes réunis par Joël Biard et Aurélien Robert. http://bit.ly/2HXJYE0 J. Biard - A. Robert, Introduction. A. A. Robiglio, Le philosophe comme personnage littéraire: Blaise Pelacani de Parme dans le Paradiso degli Alberti – A.... more
Textes réunis par Joël Biard et Aurélien Robert.
http://bit.ly/2HXJYE0

J. Biard - A. Robert, Introduction. A. A. Robiglio, Le philosophe comme personnage littéraire: Blaise Pelacani de Parme dans le Paradiso degli Alberti – A. Robert, L’éthique de Blaise de Parme dans ses Questions sur la Physique – C. Grellard, Une histoire naturelle des religions: Blaise de Parme, les astres et les sectes – J. Biard, Rationalismes régionaux dans la philosophie médiévale tardive: le cas de Blaise de Parme – G. Federici Vescovini, Blaise de Parme et l’intelligibilité mathématique – D. A. Di Liscia, Biagio Pelacani da Parma’s Geometrisation of Latitudes and the Problems of the Mean Degree Theorem – S. Rommevaux-Tani, Les règles du mouvement dans la seconde rédaction des Questions sur la Physique de Blaise de Parme – M. Roques, Blaise de Parme et la quantité – N. Weill-Parot, Une position originale? Le contact entre le moteur et le mû dans les Quaestiones disputatae super octo libros Physicorum de Blaise de Parme – F. Seller, La détermination des positions des astres dans l’optique de Blaise de Parme – V. Sorge, Sens externes et sens internes chez Blaise de Parme – J. F. Silva, Blasius of Parma on the Activity of Sense. Bibliographie. Index des noms de personnes et d’oeuvres. Index des manuscrits.
Research Interests:
Blaise de Parme (ca. 1350-1416) a enseigné toute sa vie dans les plus grandes universités italiennes, à Padoue, Pavie et Florence, et ses ouvrages philosophiques ont joui d’une grande réputation jusqu’au cœur de la Renaissance.... more
Blaise de Parme (ca. 1350-1416) a enseigné toute sa vie dans les plus grandes universités italiennes, à Padoue, Pavie et Florence, et ses ouvrages philosophiques ont joui d’une grande réputation jusqu’au cœur de la Renaissance. Aujourd’hui, il est surtout connu par le sobriquet qu’un scribe du XV e siècle lui a donné dans un manuscrit: doctor diabolicus. Depuis lors, les historiens de la philosophie n’ont eu de cesse de traquer dans ses œuvres – la plupart inédites les indices de son hétérodoxie. Matérialiste, athée, relativiste, hédoniste… on ne compte plus les épithètes attachées à son nom. Le présent volume propose de faire le point sur la philosophie de Blaise de Parme en se concentrant sur les domaines dans lesquels il a défendu les thèses les plus marquantes: la physique, la psychologie et l’éthique. On trouvera aussi des éclaircissements sur les mathématiques, l’optique, la science des astres et la religion. Les contributions réunies dans ce volume présentent un Blaise de Parme beaucoup plus complexe que l’image véhiculée par l’historiographie, en montrant la grande originalité de ce penseur.
Qu’est-ce qu’une discipline au Moyen Âge ? Selon que l’on s’intéresse au discours des penseurs médiévaux ou à la reconstruction des historiens contemporains, la réponse pourrait s’avérer très différente, peut-être même décevante. Pour... more
Qu’est-ce qu’une discipline au Moyen Âge ? Selon que l’on s’intéresse au discours des penseurs médiévaux ou à la reconstruction des historiens contemporains, la réponse pourrait s’avérer très différente, peut-être même décevante. Pour cette raison, l’objectif de ce volume est d’aborder la question non en partant de définitions théoriques souvent figées, mais à travers l’étude des pratiques concrètes des acteurs, lesquelles impliquent parfois perméabilités, évolutions ou hybridations des savoirs. Le choix du contexte italien s’explique par des caractéristiques exceptionnelles. La non séparation de l’enseignement des arts et de la médecine, l’absence dans de nombreuses villes de facultés de théologie, la présence enfin d’une vie culturelle intense dans le cadre urbain, sont autant d’éléments qui contribuent en effet à favoriser les porosités et les innovations. Il s’agira donc d’examiner ces changements du point de vue des frontières, c’est-à-dire des points de rencontre ou de séparation entre les différents savoirs universitaires. Trois domaines ont été privilégiés : la rhétorique et ses usages ; le droit dans ses rapports parfois ambigus avec la philosophie et la théologie ; la médecine et son rôle dans la définition de nouveaux champs comme la médecine légale ou l’éthique médicale. Dans chaque cas, sont croisés les aspects matériels, institutionnels et doctrinaux à l’oeuvre dans les déplacements de ces frontières – montrant que les disciplines échappent le plus souvent à leur définition traditionnelle, qu’elle soit médiévale ou contemporaine.
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In his commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, Nicole Oresme raises a question that he is apparently the first to ask in these terms, in such a context: do all beings have the desire to persevere into being? Before him, this question is not... more
In his commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, Nicole Oresme raises a question that he is apparently the first to ask in these terms, in such a context: do all beings have the desire to persevere into being? Before him, this question is not found in any of the medieval commentaries on Aristotle’s Physics. But after him it became canonical until at least the 16th century, since it can be found in Pietro Pomponazzi’s works for example. The novelty here consists in questioning the validity of Averroes’ thesis, in his own commentary on the Physics, according to which all beings have the desire to persist into being, using the Augustinian analysis of voluntary death and suicide. How can we explain that one can freely put an end to his days if he is naturally inclined by a desire for life and even for eternity? Oresme’s solution consists in justifying not only the possibility, but also the moral obligation to accept death under certain conditions. In most cases, we do not really want to die. The desperate man wishes to cancel his misfortune and the heroic man who sacrifices him- self for his country wishes to immortalize himself in the memory of other men. From a moral point of view, Nicole Oresme justifies only one case of voluntary death: that of individual sacrifice for the common good. The aim of this paper is to analyze precisely this important turning point in the long his- tory of the notion of conatus in the West by comparing this quaestio from the commentary on the Physics with the glosses that accompany the French translation of the Nicomachean Ethics realised by Oresme at the court of Charles V.
Blasius of Parma taught moral philosophy in Pavia and probably in Florence, but nothing remains from his lectures. Fortunately, one quaestio of his commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, which is extant in two different versions, one... more
Blasius of Parma taught moral philosophy in Pavia and probably in Florence, but nothing remains from his lectures. Fortunately, one quaestio of his commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, which is extant in two different versions, one discussed in Padova between 1382 and 1388, the other in Pavia in 1397, gives important informations about his positions in the field of ethics. The problem he discusses is the following: does every being naturally wishes to persist in being? As usual in his commentaries, Blasius of Parma gives several solutions (determinationes) to this question from different point of views (physical, ethical, theological, astrological). As a whole, Blasius’s two quaestiones argues for the possibility of dying voluntarily and virtuously, even though human beings are naturally inclined to willing to survive. Incidentally, he defends the superiority of active life over contemplative life and praises the courage of men who decide to die for their country. From the point of view of theology, Blasius interprets Anselm of Canterbury’s distinction between the will of rectitudo and the will of commoda in a radical way. The first kind of act of the will has no object in this life, so that we are left with our will to enjoy earthly goods (the commoda). As a consequence, the existence of an afterlife does not alter our desire to be as happy as we can with our earthly means. In other words, like Pietro Pomponazzi in the XVI th century, Blasius of Parma considers ethical questions independently of the issue of the immortality of the soul.
The aim of this paper is to show that John Wyclif’s theory of space is at once an interpretation of the Platonic theory of place and a Neopythagorean conception of magnitudes and numbers. The result is an original form of mathematical... more
The aim of this paper is to show that John Wyclif’s theory of space is at once an interpretation of the Platonic theory of place and a Neopythagorean conception of magnitudes and numbers. The result is an original form of mathematical atomism in which atoms are point-like entities with a particular situation in space. If the core of this view comes from Boethius’ De arithmetica, John Wyclif is also influenced by Robert Grosseteste’s metaphysics, which includes the Boethian number theory within the Christian tale of the creation of the world ex nihilo. John Wyclif, however, adds some novelty to this theory concerning the epistemological status of this hypothetical description of the creation of the world out of atoms. First, according to Wyclif, whereas geometry is concerned with sensible and imaginable beings, arithmetic, which is purely intellectual, has access to the deep mathematical structure of the universe. He then suggests a subordination of geometry under arithmetic, which he considers the most solid basis for his metaphysics. As a result, with the attribution of numbers and units to every level of reality, it becomes possible to reform our natural imagination, so that it can imagine the atomic structure of matter and space.
This is a summary of my lectures/seminars at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes (Paris) in 2016-2017. They focus on medieval atomism in relation to theology. They mostly deal with 13th-century thinkers (in particular Robert Grosseteste... more
This is a summary of my lectures/seminars at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes (Paris) in 2016-2017. They focus on medieval atomism in relation to theology. They mostly deal with 13th-century thinkers (in particular Robert Grosseteste and Albert the Great).
Research Interests:
Philology, History, Ancient History, European History, Intellectual History, and 41 more
In 1277, Etienne Tempier condemned several propositions about sexual morality. It is usually considered as the result of the Bishop's imagination, since no trace has been found in the texts of the Parisian faculty of Arts that deal with... more
In 1277, Etienne Tempier condemned several propositions about sexual morality. It is usually considered as the result of the Bishop's imagination, since no trace has been found in the texts of the Parisian faculty of Arts that deal with such issues. The present paper argues that is possible that Tempier's target was a commentary on Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics to some disputed questions on natural philosophy. Indeed, if no trace is found before 1277, several commentaries on Aristotle's Ethics deal with love and sexuality immediately after the condemnation as well as some disputed questions. What is more, some of them explicitly mention Andreas Capelanus' De amore, which is on of Tempier's targets.
William of Ockham frequently mentions a distinction between two modes of cognition: in se and in alio. The aim of this chapter is to show that this distinction raises some important problems for his philosophy of mind and more broadly for... more
William of Ockham frequently mentions a distinction between two modes of cognition: in se and in alio. The aim of this chapter is to show that this distinction raises some important problems for his philosophy of mind and more broadly for his nominalism. The main issue is the possibility of an externalist theory of mental contents. For, Ockham affirms that no material substance is cognized in se. But if only accidents are cognized in se does this mean that material substances are necessarily cognized in alio? How could this “something else” lead us to the cognition of something we have never experienced? The difficulty here is how we should understand his view concerning the acquisition of simple substance concepts like “man” or “horse.” On the one hand it seems that we have no direct acquaintance with substances. On the other hand, he says that these concepts, equivalent to simple natural kind terms in the mind, directly refer to singular substances thanks to external relations of causality and likeness, on which their signification is based. This chapter suggests that the evolution of Ockham’s theory of concepts during his career is probably the key for our understanding of this crucial distinction.
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Religion, History, Cognitive Psychology, Cognitive Science, Philosophy, and 81 more
Dans une lettre adressée à son ami médecin Giovanni Bianchi da Reggio, l'astronome italien Matteo Garimberti da Parma s'interroge sur la nature du bonheur humain. Dans ce texte notre auteur propose un panorama des grandes écoles... more
Dans une lettre adressée à son ami médecin Giovanni Bianchi da Reggio, l'astronome italien Matteo Garimberti da Parma s'interroge sur la nature du bonheur humain. Dans ce texte notre auteur propose un panorama des grandes écoles philosophiques de l'Anti-quité, passant du Lycée au Portique, pour finalement s'arrêter dans le Jardin. Malgré le caractère apparemment scolaire de l'entreprise, il est remarquable que cette épître inédite ne se contente pas d'une simple doxographie, neutre et sans engagement de la part de son auteur, mais expose en filigranes les premiers linéaments d'une vision syncrétique de l'éthique grecque fortement inspirée par l'oeuvre de Sénèque. Si Aristote ouvre la voie théorique à une réconciliation de la vertu stoïcienne et du plaisir épicurien, c'est toutefois Épicure qui vient clore ce texte, et c'est avec lui que le lecteur demeure en dernier ressort, lui qui, à en croire notre auteur, défendit l'idée d'une volupté vertueuse. Cette lettre, écrite avant 1412 et probablement dès la fin du XIVe siècle, montre donc que l'éthique épicurienne faisait déjà l'objet d'attitudes positives avant la "redécouverte" de Lucrèce en 1417 et la traduction de Diogène Laërce.
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History, Ancient History, European History, Intellectual History, Cultural History, and 72 more
The aim of this paper is to understand the reasons for which Pietro d’Abano is often considered as a radical defender of materialism, whereas on many issues it is clear that he is not a materialist. After a brief overview of different... more
The aim of this paper is to understand the reasons for which Pietro d’Abano is often considered as a radical defender of materialism, whereas on many issues it is clear that he is not a materialist. After a brief overview of different statements about his allegiance to materialism, which is frequently linked to his supposed acquaintance with averroism, the paper focuses on four case studies, which allow us to clarify some aspects of his natural philosophy. The first is the nature of mixture of the elements, the second is the action of qualities, the third is animal growth, and the last one is spontaneous generation. In each case Pietro d’Abano is explicitly opposed to Ancient materialism and tends to follow Averroes’ interpretation of Aristotle’s physics. More precisely, he tries to reconcile Aristotle, Alexander of Aphrodisias and Averroes in order to defend a coherent hylomorphism, without accepting the uniqueness and separation of the intellect. When he discusses animal growth, for instance, he takes some technical points to Alexander in order to explain the primacy of form over matter in this process. When he explains the possibility of spontaneous generation, he follows Averroes’ astrologization of Aristotle’s biology in order to avoid materialism on the one hand and Platonism on the other. One should say, with some provocation, that Pietro d’Abano defends rather a formalist ontology.
Textes réunis par Tiziana Suarez-Nani et Agostino Paravicini Bagliani. Qu’est-ce que la matière? Cette question a traversé l’histoire de la culture occidentale et a interpellé de nombreux philosophes et scientifiques, dont les théories... more
Textes réunis par Tiziana Suarez-Nani et Agostino Paravicini Bagliani.
Qu’est-ce que la matière? Cette question a traversé l’histoire
de la culture occidentale et a interpellé de nombreux philosophes
et scientifiques, dont les théories témoignent d’une étonnante diversité.
Le Moyen Âge latin a donné un apport significatif à l’élaboration
de cette notion qui, à partir de Platon et d’Aristote, allait
devenir l’un des pivots de la philosophie de la nature et de la
métaphysique occidentales. Le colloque Micrologus dont nous publions
les Actes a permis de compléter et d’approfondir l’étude
des conceptions médiévales de la matière élaborées entre le XIIe
et le XVIe siècle. Grâce à des approches disciplinaires diversifiées,
à la prise en compte de contextes et de genres littéraires distincts
ainsi que d’auteurs encore peu étudiés aujourd’hui, ces contributions
permettent au lecteur de découvrir les multiples facettes que la notion de matière, ses représentations et sa perception ont revêtues dans la pensée et la culture médiévale.
Research Interests:
Philosophy, Medieval Philosophy, Medieval Studies, History of Science, Medieval Theology, and 37 more
In 1887, Paul Tannery suggested that some ancient Pythagoreans defended a form of atomism against which Eleatic philosophers such as Zeno of Elea reacted. Later, Democritus and Leucippus on one hand, Plato on the other, developed... more
In 1887, Paul Tannery suggested that some ancient Pythagoreans defended a form of atomism against which Eleatic philosophers such as Zeno of Elea reacted. Later, Democritus and Leucippus on one hand, Plato on the other, developed atomistic intuitions in reaction to this old debate. No one would accept nowadays Tannery’s historical claim, but the philosophical content of his interpretation is still relevant for the history of atomism, especially for the Middle Ages. Indeed, according to Tannery the Pythagoreans defined atoms as points, i.e. the equivalent of units for numbers but with a position in space. This conception of a point was well known in the Middle Ages thanks to Boethius’ adaptation of Nicomachus of Gerasa’s Institutio arithmetica and other indirect sources (Macrobius, Martianus Capella, for instance) and was accepted by several philosophers and theologians. In this paper we try to follow the reception of this
concept from the 12th to the 14th century.
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History, Intellectual History, Cultural History, Philosophy, Philosophy of Science, and 39 more
In the De sensu et sensato, VI Aristotle asks whether sensible qualities are infinitely divisible in the same way as bodies are infinitely divisible, as is proved in Physics, VI. Defending the continuity of sensible qualities, he affirms... more
In the De sensu et sensato, VI Aristotle asks whether sensible qualities are infinitely divisible in the same way as bodies are infinitely divisible, as is proved in Physics, VI. Defending the continuity of sensible qualities, he affirms that they are infinitely divisible and that beyond the apparent minima sensibilia all the parts in which a thing and its qualities can be divided are still potentially sensible. But what does it mean to be « potentially sensible » ? Aristotle seems to say that beyond a certain threshold a part cannot continue to exist with the same sensible form. So, beyond the minima sensibilia parts are only potentially sensible as long as they are parts of a bigger whole. This assertion became a puzzle for commentators in Late Antiquity. In the 14th Century, the French philosopher John of Jandun treats this puzzle in three distinct quaestiones on the De sensu and sensato and develops an original point of view inspired by Alexander of Aphrodisias. According to him, it is conceivable that very small sensible things continue to exist on their own without being sensed by any kind of cognitive faculty. Therefore, these minute parts are not « potentially sensible » because they could be cognized by the senses in other circumstances, but only because they are sensible by nature though never sensed. But to affirm this is certainly not for John of Jandun a concession to the Atomist theory of sensible qualities. This paper endeavours to reconstruct the complex reasoning behind this medieval conception of the sensible world.
The paradigmatic examples of what we call nowadays ‘mere Cambridge changes’ are relational properties. If someone is on the left of a table at t-1 and on the right of this table at t, the table does not undergo a physical change, but it... more
The paradigmatic examples of what we call nowadays ‘mere Cambridge changes’ are relational properties. If someone is on the left of a table at t-1 and on the right of this table at t, the table does not undergo a physical change, but it has nonetheless new relational properties. What kind of relation lies behind this kind of change? Should we abandon the definition of identity as a set of permanent properties through time? This concern with identity and change was already present in Aristotle’s Physics 5 and 7 and medieval commentators tackled the problem with some important refinements due to their metaphysical discussions about the nature of relations. John of Jandun’s discussion of this topic, at the beginning of the fourteenth century, is particularly interesting. First, he defines self-identity as a relation of reason, which means for him that it is not a real relation. Second, he distinguishes two kinds of relational changes: those involving real relations and the acquisition a qualitative property; and those that are based on relations of reason. In the second case, there is no real change and the relation is established by the mind. After a presentation of his ontology of relations and changes, we will discuss the application of Jandun’s theory to sensation and intellectual knowledge, which he treats as relational changes.
Research Interests:
History, Cognitive Psychology, Cognitive Science, Philosophy, Metaphysics, and 69 more
Dino del Garbo, an italian physician active in the first decades of the XIVth century, is well known for his commentary on Guido Cavalcanti’s poem Donna me prega. The present study offers the edition of a quodlibetal question on the... more
Dino del Garbo, an italian physician active in the first decades of the XIVth century, is well known for his commentary on Guido Cavalcanti’s poem Donna me prega. The present study offers the edition of a quodlibetal question on the imagination’s ability to alter the body, disputed in Bologna or Siena in the 1320s. We examine the medical and philosophical context in which this question occurs, by showing in particular how the debate gradually focused on the opposition between the Avicennian and Aristotelian models of the soul/body relationship. The analysis of this debate allows to shed new light on the gloss of Dino del Garbo on Donna me prega and also, incidentally, on the poem itself.
Did the physicians of the Middle Ages have a vision of man radically different from those of philosophers and theologians ? This study attempts to respond to this question through an examination of one of the central concepts of medieval... more
Did the physicians of the Middle Ages have a vision of man radically different from those of philosophers and theologians ? This study attempts to respond to this question through an examination of one of the central concepts of medieval medicine : the complexion or temperament of the body. Emerging in Antiquity and filtered across a series of Arabic sources, this notion was deployed by physicians to define the human body in its specificity, notably in relation to other animal species. It also, however, defined the human in its individuality since each body possesses a singular complexion. The hypothesis explored in this paper is the following : to define man by his complexion rather than his substantial form, to consider him in bodily terms rather than in terms of the soul, reveals the presence of a new anthropological discourse in the Middle Ages. This perspective is, of course, not radically opposed to the philosophical and theological theories of that time. However, it opens the way to new interpretations of the diversity that exists at the heart of the human in evading all essentialist hermeneutics. The idea of complexion appears in numerous medieval texts, including those well beyond the field of medicine. Yet, between the 13th and 15th centuries, it circulates with a particular intensity amongst Italian medical circles, notably in the universities of Bologna and Padua. In this context, an initial mode of interrogation emerges in theoretical medical texts : how to define the nature of complexion with the philosophical tools of the period, largely influenced as they were by various forms of Aristotelianism ? The physicians examined in this article all have backgrounds in philosophy and went on to study at the Faculty of arts, explaining, in part, their utilization of philosophical concepts in the elaboration of the ontology of complexion. Two thinkers, Taddeo Alderotti and Pietro d’Abano, are of particular interest here insofar as they establish in an definitive manner the general framework of questions, which continue to be invoked by their successors.
The general problematic of complexion can be summarized as follows : Galen appears to affirm in certain texts that the soul can be reduced to the complexion of the body, that it is thus material, and hence also mortal ; however, since such an idea is generally unacceptable from a Christian perspective, it was necessary to rethink the notion of complexion so as to not confound it with the soul while simultaneously preserving its fundamental characteristics. Following Aristotle, philosophers and theologians tended largely to identify the soul to substantial form, which organizes matter and gives life to it, while remaining ontologically distinct from it. Taddeo Alderotti and Pietro d’Abano demonstrate how complexion is not identical to the soul, but is rather a property present in each man and which is not a mere accident. For them, complexion was a “substantial quality”, a property which distinguishes man as such and which all men possess. The discourse of the physicians thus has the same extension as the philosophical discourse on the soul insofar as every being who has a soul also has a human complexion and vice versa.
A second line of questioning then immediately emerges : can one still speak of the specific form of man, if the real object of medical anthropology is located in the quasi‑infinite particularity of individual beings and the complexion of their bodies ? Once again, Taddeo Alderotti and Pietro d’Abano will fix the theoretical framework for the next generations. The specific form is one, from a metaphysical perspective, since it is possible to think of man as a unity, independently of his particularities. However this
form, which is nothing but the soul, is variously received in matter depending on the degree of perfection of the complexion of the body which is the result of the process of embryo generation. According to this medical theory, the human soul does not exist as
such in the body unless it has been prepared by its complexion to receive it. Following from this, complexion comes first and will determine the degree of participation in human functions defined by the nature of the human soul. All men do not therefore accede to the same degree of humanity. Moreover, complexion, even after the arrival of the soul, is in no way fixed : it changes incessantly in each individual in accordance with the variable factors of age, climate, diet, and care. Thenceforth, the physician can hope to raise complexion to its greatest point of equilibrium and thus, beyond simple medical care, give back to the body its highest degree of humanity. Hence, it is not surprising that the majority of Italian physicians of the late Middle Ages asked the question of both the definition and attainability of perfect complexion (that which would bring the individual to the highest degree of humanity). The physicians called this complexion equalis ad justiciam (equal according to justice), that is to say the most adapted to its object. Yet, such equilibrium is not mathematical, but depends on each context and each individual. On this point, the Italian physicians, in particular Gentile da Foligno (d. 1348) and Ugo Benzi (d. 1439), draw on the enumeration of the modalities of equilibrium evoked by Avicenna in the first book of his Canon. The art of the physician allows him to determine certain limits to humanity and also the latitude proper to each group that constitutes such humanity : for instance, the ideal complexion for someone inhabiting the southern regions of the world is not the same as someone inhabiting the northern regions of Europe – it is the task of the medical doctor as practitioner to determine what lifestyle, what diet and what medicine was needed to attain such relatively ideal complexion. The ambition of the Italian physicians of the 14th and 15th centuries thus appears to surpass the simple medical project of healing and assuring good health : they aspire to change or improve man. With this objective in mind, it was necessary for them to determine the complexion of a given individual, a determination made through the analysis of various exterior phenomena ranging from physiognomy to astrology. Complexion, given to one at birth, was also referred to as “innate complexion”, but the physicians never considered it as fixed or immutable in any manner : on the contrary, they remained convinced that the art of medicine could be used to change complexion. In this sense, their vision of man, far from being essentialist, was fundamentally optimistic : every man, while determined by nature, could hope to be improved – from a biological perspective, such as the prolonging of his life beyond its natural term, but also from a moral perspective, as Pietro Torrigiano affirmed at the beginning of the 14th century. With the aid of this extremely nuanced notion of complexion, the Italian physicians of the late Middle Ages developed a strikingly original anthropology, one which was compatible with those of the philosophers and theologians, but also one which allowed for a more flexible point of view on human beings, more attentive to the singularity of individuals. Hence, they were capable of explaining simultaneously the unity of humanity and the infinite multiplicity of its manifestations and the possibility of its variation.
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Religion, History, Cultural History, Philosophy, Medieval Philosophy, and 32 more
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A two-days conference on Etienne Gilson and Hans Blumenberg and their view on the Middles Ages in general and medieval philosophy in particular, organized by Alain de Libera, Florian Michel, Christophe Grellard and Aurélien Robert
Research Interests:
Christianity, History, Ancient History, Intellectual History, Cultural History, and 37 more
Blasius of Parma, also called the "doctor diabolicus", is one of the most interesting and intriguing figures of late medieval Italian philosophy. The aim of this conference is to give a full portrait of this thinker, who is usually... more
Blasius of Parma, also called the "doctor diabolicus", is one of the most interesting and intriguing figures of late medieval Italian philosophy. The aim of this conference is to give a full portrait of this thinker, who is usually thought of as a materialist, sometimes a hedonist, who tends to reduce everything to physical processes analyzed in logical and mathematical terms.
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Religion, History, Ancient History, History of Science and Technology, Cultural History, and 56 more
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Religion, History, Geography, Philosophy, Medieval Philosophy, and 44 more
Troisième atelier du programme "Savoirs dans les ordres mendiants"
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Religion, History, Ancient History, Intellectual History, Cultural History, and 50 more
Résumé des contributions du colloque Micrologus organisé à Tours par J.P. Bouder, N. Bouloux, A. Paravicini-Bagliani et A. Robert pour le Bulletin de philosophie médiévale
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Annual Bulletin of presentation of recent publications in the history of medieval philosophy
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This Bulletin is published every year in the Archives de philosophie and contains reviews of books dealing with medieval philosophy. This issue reviews books published in 2015 and 2016. If you want your book to be reviewed, please contact... more
This Bulletin is published every year in the Archives de philosophie and contains reviews of books dealing with medieval philosophy. This issue reviews books published in 2015 and 2016. If you want your book to be reviewed, please contact me at: aurelien.robert@univ-tours.fr
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this volume can be purchased on line : http://sismel.it/tidetails.asp?hdntiid=1585 www.sismel.it ISSN 2465-3276 ISBN 978-88-8450-807-2 Qu’est-ce que la matière? Cette question a traversé l’histoire de la culture occidentale et a... more
this volume can be purchased on line : http://sismel.it/tidetails.asp?hdntiid=1585
www.sismel.it
ISSN 2465-3276
ISBN 978-88-8450-807-2

Qu’est-ce que la matière? Cette question a traversé l’histoire de la culture occidentale et a interpellé de nombreux philosophes et scientifiques, dont les théories témoignent d’une étonnante diversité. Le Moyen Âge latin a donné un apport significatif à l’élaboration de cette notion qui, à partir de Platon et d’Aristote, allait devenir l’un des pivots de la philosophie de la nature et de la métaphysique occidentales. Le colloque Micrologus dont nous publions les Actes a permis de compléter et d’approfondir l’étude des conceptions médiévales de la matière élaborées entre le XIIe et le XVIe siècle. Grâce à des approches disciplinaires diversifiées, à la prise en compte de contextes et de genres littéraires distincts ainsi que d’auteurs encore peu étudiés aujourd’hui, ces contributions permettent au lecteur de découvrir les multiples facettes que la notion de matière, ses représentations et sa perception ont revêtues dans la pensée et la culture médiévale.
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